Let’s not mince words: the idea that the core North of Nigeria ought to be “cut out” from the rest of the country is not a fringe theory — it was once publicly declared by Gideon Orkar, the former army major whose 1990 coup attempt rocked the nation. In his infamous broadcast over the radio, Orkar demanded the excision of five northern states from Nigeria.
Orkar accused the ruling northern elite of dominating the South and Middle-belt, claiming that the “dominative tendencies” of the core North had strangled the political and economic voice of other regions.
Thirty-five years later — after decades of violence, insurgency, banditry, mass displacement, and recurring tragedies that seem disproportionately concentrated in Northern and North-Central states — many feel his once-radical idea now looks less like radicalism and more like suppressed foresight.
Insecurity, Violence & Displacement: North’s Deadly Toll on Nigeria
Recent developments only reinforce what many Nigerians have long suspected: the rot in the North is bleeding the rest of the country. A violent attack on a security patrol in Zamfara last month left eight security operatives dead.
In central Nigeria, tensions pitting farmers against herders — often along religious and ethnic lines — resulted in the massacre of 42 people in one night, with reports of women and children among the victims.
Meanwhile, school children in Kwara state — a boundary of North-Central Nigeria — have been forced out of classrooms after a church attack, prompting government-mandated school closures across five districts.
Displacement is massive. According to recent figures, more than 3.5 million Nigerians are internally displaced — with the bulk concentrated in the north-east and north-central zones.
Despite these mounting tragedies, the national narrative often frames Nigeria’s problems in broad, sometimes euphemistic terms. But for many — especially those in zones caught between North and South, like the Middle Belt — the message is painful and clear: this is no longer politics as usual. It’s a war on identity, safety, and survival.
Foreign Voices, Domestic Echoes: When Outsiders Say What Everyone Thinks
It’s not just Nigerians raising the alarm. Back in 2010, Muammar Gaddafi — then a prominent African leader — publicly called for Nigeria to be partitioned along religious lines: a “Muslim North” and a “Christian South.”
Gaddafi argued that such separation might end the recurring cycles of sectarian violence.
True? Maybe not. But his blunt call echoed a reality many Nigerians silently acknowledge: the deep fractures in this country have outgrown rhetoric.
Why the Middle Belt — Once Seen as the “Bridge” — Now Looks Like Part of the South
Historically, Nigeria’s Middle Belt (North-Central) has been regarded as a “buffer zone” — a mix of religions, ethnicities, and identities supposed to forestall extremes. But reality has proven otherwise.
Even in North-Central states, Christians and non-Muslims have increasingly found themselves targeted. Attacks on churches, farmers, and innocent civilians — often with religious undertones — have become terrifyingly common.
In that light, many Middle Belt residents now view themselves not as “northern Nigerians,” but as part of the broader southern or non-core northern coalition — because their lived reality no longer aligns with the identity historically attributed to the North.
Calls to “detach the core North” no longer seem like an extremist fringe demand. They look like a rational response to decades of violence, neglect, and structural failure.
Why The Debate Is No Longer Hypothetical — It’s Urgent
Violence isn’t an abstract statistic anymore. Lives are being lost. Communities are being uprooted. Farmers who feed Nigeria’s food basket are being massacred.
Displacement is crippling. Millions are internally displaced — a humanitarian crisis that threatens the very fabric of national identity.
Sectarian politics keep failing to solve structural problems. The religious framing of insecurity and violence has been repeatedly challenged by government officials and analysts, who argue that many victims are Muslims themselves — a clear sign that this is not simply “north vs south,” or “Christian vs Muslim.”
The idea of partition is no longer fringe — it’s part of public discourse. From a failed coup in 1990 to a foreign leader boldly calling for a Nigeria split — the concept persists, haunting every headline about insecurity and ethnic tension.
What This Means for Nigeria — And What Comes Next
At this moment, we are standing at a crossroads. The alternative futures are stark:
Continue on the current path — with more violence, displacement, mistrust, and failed security. More lives lost. More farms ruined. More childhoods stolen.
Begin to seriously consider structural reconfiguration — whether through better federalism, targeted decentralization, or even redrawing regional boundaries to reflect current realities.
For many — especially in the Middle Belt and South — retention of the status quo is tantamount to tolerating a slow unraveling of citizenship, safety, and communal identity.
Yet, drawing new boundaries is not simple. It demands honest introspection, national courage, and willingness to acknowledge that “unity” cannot be an excuse for neglect, corruption, or ethnic dominance.
Final Word: A House United or a House Divided — Nigeria’s Choice
When Major Gideon Orkar first demanded the core North be excised from Nigeria, he was labeled a traitor. His coup failed. He was executed.
But history — and today’s headlines — may yet vindicate his core argument: when a part of the country consistently produces violence, instability, and death for the rest, perhaps it is not just a problem to be managed, but a wound too deep to ignore.
If the Nigerian state cannot guarantee safety — if millions are displaced, farmers are killed, children can’t go to school, and religious or ethnic identity dictates survival chances — then perhaps it is time to admit a painful truth: this union, as currently constituted, no longer works for many Nigerians.
The debate is no longer theoretical. It’s existential.
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