In recent days, a video circulating from a public event in Oyo State has reignited intense political conversations across social media, WhatsApp groups, and policy circles. In that video, Governor Seyi Makinde was seen addressing the audience on what he described as Omituntun 3.0, a continuation—or sequel—of his governance philosophy as his second term gradually approaches completion. In his remarks, the governor appeared to charge the people, subtly but clearly, to gauge their interest in continuity beyond his constitutionally permitted tenure.
Almost immediately, the clip became a political flashpoint.
Opposition figures, political apologists, analysts, and partisan supporters quickly seized on selected portions of the governor’s speech, spinning multiple narratives around his repeated assertion that he has no godfather in politics. From sympathetic takes to outright sarcasm, critics began to argue that an outgoing governor—especially one who claims to owe allegiance to no political benefactor—has no moral standing to influence or “pitch” a successor ahead of the 2027 governorship election in Oyo State.
However, beneath the noise, selective outrage, and performative analysis lies a deeper political reality that deserves a more honest, historically grounded, and intellectually consistent conversation.
Understanding the “No Godfather” Claim in Context
For Governor Seyi Makinde, not having a godfather has never been presented as an accolade, a badge of honor, or a deliberate political strategy designed to inspire public admiration. Rather, it is largely a product of how he entered politics and the unique trajectory of his political rise.
In Nigeria’s political ecosystem—particularly in states like Oyo—godfatherism has traditionally followed a clear pattern. Godfathers are usually the political heavyweights who identify, groom, and nurture candidates under their wings. They are often the financiers, the mobilizers, and the unseen hands that determine who emerges from party primaries and who eventually wins elections. In return, they retain immense influence over governance decisions, appointments, contracts, and legislative behavior.
Governor Makinde’s rise did not follow this conventional pathway.
Before becoming governor in 2019, Makinde had built a reputation as a technocrat, businessman, and persistent opposition figure who contested multiple times before eventually winning. His political journey was marked more by endurance, coalition-building, and voter appeal than by sponsorship from a single political overlord. This explains why he could credibly say he had no godfather—because no single individual “brought him in” or controlled his political fate.
But here is where much of the public discourse becomes intellectually dishonest.
Godfatherism Is Not a Moral Label—It Is a Power Structure
In Nigerian politics, godfatherism is not defined by self-declaration or denial. It is defined by influence, control, and political dependency. The absence of a godfather at the point of emergence does not preclude someone from becoming one after assuming power.
History makes this abundantly clear.
The late Lamidi Adedibu—popularly known as Baba Adedibu—remains one of the most instructive examples in Oyo State’s political history. His dominance was not rooted in official office but in his capacity to install loyalists across the State House of Assembly and other strategic positions. Many legislators owed their political survival to him, from party primaries through campaign financing to election victory. Adedibu maintained close personal and political relationships with them, ensuring loyalty and compliance. That is classic godfatherism—not sentiment, not slogans, but structure and leverage.
Similarly, in Rivers State today, the ongoing political tension between former Governor Nyesom Wike and his successor, Governor Siminalayi Fubara, illustrates another dimension of this phenomenon. Despite no longer being governor, Wike’s grip on the Rivers State House of Assembly has remained firm. The reason is simple and widely acknowledged: he was instrumental in bringing many of those lawmakers into political relevance. He pulled Fubara from relative obscurity into political stardom, and the aftermath shows how enduring godfather influence can be—even after power formally changes hands.
Seyi Makinde as the De Facto Godfather of Oyo State Politics
Whether supporters or critics like it or not, Governor Seyi Makinde today occupies the position of a living godfather in Oyo State politics.
This is not an insult. It is a political fact.
The overwhelming majority of current members of the Oyo State House of Assembly rode into office on the strength of Makinde’s political banner in 2019. Many of them were largely unknown to the wider electorate before that election cycle. Without the momentum of Makinde’s candidacy, his grassroots appeal, and the rejection of the ruling APC at the time, it is difficult to imagine how several of those legislators would have unseated entrenched APC incumbents who enjoyed the institutional backing of then-Governor Abiola Ajimobi.
It is important to remember the context of the 2019 elections. Makinde did not only contest against the APC as a party; he contested against an outgoing governor with the full machinery of incumbency. He also faced a formidable alliance, as former Governor Adebayo Alao-Akala threw his weight behind the APC candidate, Chief Adebayo Adelabu. Against these odds, Makinde prevailed—bringing with him a wave that carried many legislative candidates into office.
That electoral tsunami reshaped Oyo State politics.
Power Creates Followers—and Followers Create Godfathers
One uncomfortable truth many commentators avoid is this: political godfatherism is often not a choice. It is a consequence of power.
Once a leader becomes the central rallying point for electoral victory, access to resources, and political legitimacy, followers naturally begin to look to that leader for direction, endorsement, and protection. Over time, this expectation hardens into structure.
Governor Makinde, by virtue of his position, performance, and political success, has become that central figure. His supporters, party members, and aspiring politicians increasingly see him as the gatekeeper to relevance within Oyo State’s political space. This dynamic makes it almost impossible for him not to function as a godfather, regardless of personal preference or rhetorical disclaimers.
The emergence of candidates in constituencies such as Ibadan North Federal Constituency offers a practical illustration of this reality. The processes that led to those candidacies bore all the hallmarks of godfatherism: influence, endorsement, and alignment with the governor’s political interests. That is not unique to Makinde—it is how power operates in Nigeria’s democratic system.
Omituntun 3.0 and the 2027 Question
Viewed through this lens, the controversy surrounding Omituntun 3.0 becomes less about morality and more about political inevitability. Governors across Nigeria, regardless of party or personal history, have always sought continuity—sometimes openly, sometimes subtly. The idea that Makinde should be an exception simply because he once claimed to have no godfather misunderstands both history and human behavior.
The real question is not whether he has the right to influence succession, but how that influence will be exercised, negotiated, and contested within democratic frameworks.
Conclusion: Moving Beyond Hypocrisy in Political Analysis
Oyo State politics today does have a godfather. His name is Seyi Makinde.
This reality does not invalidate his achievements, nor does it automatically condemn his intentions. It simply reflects the natural evolution of political power. Denying it only weakens public discourse and replaces honest analysis with performative outrage.
As 2027 approaches, the conversation should move beyond whether Makinde should influence succession to whether Oyo State’s political class—and electorate—can negotiate that influence in ways that strengthen institutions rather than personalities.
That, ultimately, is the true test of democratic maturity.
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