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State Police Wasn’t Stopped For Security Reasons — Critics Say It Was Stopped For 2027 Politics

Tinubu Doesn’t Fear Kidnappers — Critics Say He Fears Governors With State Police Before 2027

How Many Nigerians Must Be Kidnapped Before Abuja Stops Fearing State Police?

2027 Politics Over Nigerian Lives? Critics Say State Police Was Deliberately Stalled To Protect Political Power

As insecurity continues to worsen across Nigeria, many citizens are beginning to question whether the delay in implementing state police is truly about national unity and constitutional concerns — or simply politics ahead of the 2027 general elections.

Across social media, political discussions, and public debates, a growing number of Nigerians now believe that the refusal to establish state police is tied to fears that governors could gain stronger security influence capable of affecting political calculations during future elections.

To many critics, the situation has become a dangerous political chess game where insecurity, kidnappings, and the loss of innocent lives are treated as secondary to power preservation.

The argument being raised is simple but controversial: if Nigeria’s leaders truly wanted state police, what exactly is stopping them when several states already operate regional security networks?

In the South West, the establishment of the Western Nigeria Security Network, popularly known as Amotekun, was introduced as an emergency response to rising insecurity, kidnappings, and violent attacks across the region. The initiative was widely seen as a stopgap measure in the absence of state police.

However, despite the widespread public support for Amotekun, many critics argue that the outfit was created only to be deliberately weakened.

Although the Houses of Assembly in Oyo, Ogun, Ondo, Ekiti, and Osun States passed laws establishing Amotekun as a legal regional security corps, the operatives continue to operate with limited powers and restricted weapon access compared to the heavily armed criminals they confront daily.

This has intensified public frustration.

“How do you expect Amotekun to fight AK-47-wielding kidnappers while operating like underpowered security scouts?” many Nigerians continue to ask.

Security analysts have repeatedly acknowledged that Nigeria’s policing structure remains one of the most centralized systems in the world. Despite governors being referred to as “Chief Security Officers” of their states, they lack direct constitutional control over the Nigeria Police Force operating within their territories.

For critics of the current system, this contradiction has become one of the biggest weaknesses in Nigeria’s fight against insecurity.

The debate has become even more politically sensitive under the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, especially because many expected a South West president to aggressively support regional security reforms and state policing.

Instead, years into the administration, there has been no concrete constitutional breakthrough toward state police implementation.

This has fueled accusations that political interests may be outweighing security realities.

Some political observers now argue that the fear within the political establishment is that fully empowered state police structures could eventually become tools of political influence during elections, especially ahead of the 2027 presidential contest.

According to this line of argument, granting governors stronger security authority could potentially weaken federal political control across the states during election periods.

Whether true or not, the perception is spreading rapidly among frustrated citizens who feel abandoned by the country’s current security structure.

Meanwhile, kidnappings continue across highways and rural communities, school abductions remain a recurring national tragedy, and families continue to live in fear.

“Federal Government says no state police, yet citizens should somehow pray their children return alive,” one commentator recently wrote online.

Even more ironic to many observers is the position of Lagos State. Despite being part of the South West region where Amotekun originated, Lagos remains the only South West state that did not establish the corps in the same format as neighboring states.

For many critics, this further deepened suspicions that political alignment and federal considerations influenced security decisions more than regional realities.

Despite these limitations, Amotekun operatives continue to support conventional security agencies through intelligence gathering, local patrol operations, and rapid community response efforts.

Yet critics insist that regional security cannot succeed when those protecting communities remain less equipped than the criminals terrorizing them.

“Kidnappers are better armed than Amotekun, yet Abuja says everything is under control,” has become one of the most repeated criticisms of the current arrangement.

Others argue that Nigeria’s refusal to decentralize policing has transformed insecurity into a political bargaining tool instead of a national emergency demanding urgent reform.

“Nigeria wants governors to stop kidnappers with motivation speeches instead of state police,” another critic sarcastically remarked.

For millions of Nigerians, the debate is no longer theoretical. It is about survival, safety, and whether political leaders are genuinely willing to prioritize citizens over political calculations.

Until meaningful reforms happen, many fear Nigeria may continue operating a security system where states are expected to fight insecurity without the actual power to do so effectively.

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